World Cannot Wait Long for Iran, Says Senior Politician

As Iranian politicians go, Hossein Marashi is amongst the most senior of the lot. His list of former positions reads long: member of parliament, vice president under Mohammad Khatami, head of the Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization, chief of staff to former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and governor of Kerman province. These days, he's deputy director of the Executive of Construction Party, which means he is close to Rafsanjani.

He spoke recently with Iranwire about Iran's position at this historical juncture, stressing that  “the world can’t wait long for Iran’s actions” and that negotiations with the West must bear fruit “within an acceptable timeframe.” He said government officials throughout the establishment agree that sanctions are gravely undermining people's livelihoods, but that: “what we are getting in return and whether or not that thing is worth it, may be the basis for our disagreement.” His thoughts on civil-political demands, the nuclear negotiations, and the varying views on the possibility of a military attack against Iran, follow:

What is the first issue you feel Mr. Rouhani must tackle immediately after his inauguration?

In my opinion, Mr. Rouhani must sustain the hope that was formed among Iranian people after the election. I mean signs of this hope must be kept alive in the country’s political atmosphere, the people’s livelihoods, and in the rebuilding of Iran’s relations with its neighbors and the international community. The issues are not complex. We need to develop our relations on the international level, improve the economic situation, and change the political and cultural atmosphere. Even before the new government starts its work, we have seen a relative improvement in these areas, and its effects are visible in the internal and international outlook and the country’s economy.

Which political parties do you think will comprise Mr. Rouhani’s cabinet?

My impression is that in the election, signs of political maturity were visible. There may be some limitations for the presence of all representatives of the different reformist and moderate principalists due to the small capacity of the government, but all parts of the society will be represented in the government.

Do you see any prospects for Mr. Khatami and Mr. Rafsanjani in this new cabinet? Is it possible that they will emerge out of their Ahmadinejad-era isolation and take on new responsibilities?

Definitely. Mr. Rouhani is aware of their attributes, capabilities, and the positive effects of their support of him, and will be grateful for the prosperity brought on by this significant unity. Mr. Rafsanjani and Mr. Khatami’s capacities will certainly be used to their fullest levels.

During the election, Mr. Rouhani and his supporters emphasized the issue of civil-political rights. Will it be possible to do anything for the country's many political prisoners? The records of many show them having served the country well. 

I envision this will be realized in mid-term, but not in the short-term. Mr. Rouhani will need time. Iranian politicians acknowledge that in the short-term, the main objective is to address the emergency needs of the people. Mr. Rouhani will avoid issues that would distract his government and immobilize him for delivering on his promises to the people. All of us will forgive [the past] and offer Mr. Rouhani a chance to focus on solving the country’s problems without distraction. As a successful president in the areas of international diplomacy and economics, he will have enough influence and clout to develop a plan along the way to address concerns of the country's top brass and provide political and civil freedom.

Both Mr. Khatami and Mr. Rafsanjani were thwarted during their respective presidencies by so-called “resistance groups” who blocked them from carrying out their plans. In the last few weeks, we've seen some radical groups trying to distance Mr. Rouhani from many of his campaign pledges. Do these “pressure groups” have the same strength and influence as they did eight years ago? Will they pose impediments for this president as well?

I believe these groups’ efforts are all about not accepting their election loss. They had candidates in the election who attracted about 11 to 12% of the votes. Now they want to announce their existence by stating their radical positions, but it would be best if they solve their own problems rather than creating problems for Mr. Rouhani, who is a realist and will take the country forward even with such resistance.

What is your personal perception of Mr. Rouhani?

I consider him a deep and experienced individual who is both complex himself and understands the complexities of Iranian politics. He is a determined, strong, intelligent, shrewd, and realistic man and a competent manager. When he was the deputy Chairman of the Parliament [1996-2000] and I was head of the Post, Telegraph, and Power Commission, I found his management style successful.

How important is the issue of sanctions and its effects on the Iranian economy? How well do Mr. Rouhani and his inner circle understand the importance of this situation and the fact that its continuation will seriously damage the country’s economic future?

Mr. Rouhani and all of us are aware of the damages caused by the sanctions, but we cannot forego our national interests in order to reduce the sanctions. In eliminating the sanctions, we have to reach a win-win situation with the West. Clearly we are after our national interests and the West is pursuing its own interests. This is possible. Both in the West and in Iran there is interest for reaching this win-win situation.

Your response suggests its feasible to uphold the country's national interests while getting sanctions lifted. Why hasn't this option been considered over the past eight years?

Mr. Ahmadinejad’s term was a costly period for Iran, but side-by-side with the loss, we have also had an important experience. We did not use our full capacity in our dialogue with the world, and Mr. Ahmadinejad’s rhetoric was not beneficial to our national interests. Mr. Ahmadinejad thought more about his and his faction’s short-term interests, looking for ways to be recognized in the Middle East region and in the Islamic world. With his words and speeches and the positions he presented, he intended to create a standing for himself. A character such as Mr. Rouhani already has such a standing. He is already recognized and does not need such methods. Mr. Rouhani will try to smooth the way for the country’s advancement and eminence with new wisdom.

It is quite often said in American policy-making circles that if negotiations stall again, hawks in the United States will press for a military option. How seriously is this probability taken inside Iran?

As psychological warfare, this scenario has always been suggested against Iran. In our region, the Americans may have been successful in defeating some regimes when they used the military option, but they have not had any success in installing efficient governments, neither in Iraq, nor in Afghanistan. Twelve years later, all the problems in Afghanistan remain the same, and Iraq still faces serious issues. I think that even the most radical Americans know that using the military option would be like playing with a tame and sleeping lion called Iran. In Iran this is viewed as nothing but political posturing.

The Americans should not confront the Iranians with this language at all, be it with the reformists or conservatives, with the government or the rest of the Iranian leadership. Our enthusiasm to develop Iran, and our passion to solve the problems of the Iranian youth has created a lot of motivation for Iranians to work with the world. If anyone in the West is also interested in resolving these issues with Iran, they should enter into this with a positive outlook, and with cooperation in mind, because cooperation between Iran and the West could help solve many of the problems in the region. It could help with creating a Middle East free of tensions. The capabilities of Iran and the West should be utilized in this way.

You mentioned that Mr. Rouhani can turn to political and civil demands in the medium-term, but it seems that tangible change on the economic front will actually take quite a while. It's the civil and political freedoms the government has the power to offer more quickly, thereby keeping the national mood uplifted and also helping Mr. Rouhani repair Iran's image in the world. How much time does Mr. Rouhani have to show this change?

The most important thing is that the recovery process must begin. The improvements have already begun in domestic, economic, and international affairs, but the government must take more concrete steps in the beginning. At this time there is goodwill towards Mr. Rouhani in the world, but the world cannot wait for a long time for Iran to take action. These talks have to reach a conclusions within a reasonable time.

What do you predict yourself as the time frame?

I think within six months after the establishment of the government, we should be able to see the positive effects on the economy and efforts to reduce tensions.